Inquisition and Power by Arnold John H.; Arnold John H. ;
Author:Arnold, John H.; Arnold, John H. ;
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: University of Pennsylvania Press
5
Sex, Lies, and Telling Stories
A Critical and Effective History
Introduction
And so, at last, we return to the words exchanged between Pyrenean villagers and the man who would become pope. Jacques Fournier was born around 1278. He received his mastership of arts at Paris 1313–14, became bishop of Pamiers in 1317, and in 1334 went on to become Pope Benedict XII.1 The register of his inquisition between 1318 and 1325 in the Ariège is both similar to, and different from, the records from the Doat collection.2 It is similar in that the method of prompting confession still relies upon set questions, still has reference to the topoi of heretics as learned directors of the illitterati, heresy as akin to disease and similar rhetorical tropes, and still forms part of the textual mechanisms for demanding that a confessing-subject recognize him- or herself as a transgressor, and be categorized accordingly. It is different in that it includes far more detail than any previous record, not only on heresy and heretical beliefs, but also “extraneous” detail such as social practices, social beliefs, moments of direct speech, and the reporting of emotions. These elements are, of course, what made the register so attractive to Le Roy Ladurie. I have already discussed the theoretical and methodological problems of his use of this source; one should also note here that the register is so rich that Montaillou has only covered a portion of what is available.3 This richness has often been ascribed to the personal character of Jacques Fournier: that he was exceptionally “curious,” or was impelled by a “mad, inquisitorial zeal.”4 One can in fact compare Fournier’s records with those of his predecessor, Geoffroy d’Ablis, which in some cases contain earlier depositions from the same deponents. Broadly speaking, one finds the same pattern of greater detail and far longer depositions than those of the previous century; but one must also note that the Fournier register does have greater depth of detail, of local “color” and interest. A degree of personal influence (which should also be extended to the scribes who recorded each case, and those who produced the extant redactions) might therefore be admitted. However, the register also contains depositions given before a different, Aragonese inquisitor; and although these depositions perhaps make the presence of inquisitorial questions more prominent than in Fournier’s interrogations, they similarly contain the depth of detail that has otherwise been taken as a mark of Fournier’s personal inquisitiveness.5 It seems more helpful, therefore, to treat these records as part of a wider discourse, rather than simply the products of one individual bishop’s curiosity.
As we will see, many of the people present in the Fournier register were quite clearly “hereticated” by the inquisitorial process: they were no longer simply being questioned about the activity and words of Cathar perfecti, or their own close contact with the Cathars, but were being asked to confess about themselves, their speech, their actions, their personal histories. This does not imply that some of their beliefs were not “heretical,”
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